Sunday 15 April 2012

Endorsing the Nigeriean Candidate for Head of the World Bank-by Donovan Reynolds


This article seeks to make a contribution to the on-going topic of debate concerning the appointment of a new candidate to be selected by the World Bank directors for the role of president of the World Bank.  It comes amid a call for reform of the selection process of how Presidents of the bank is selected and the call for a global policy shift of the way in which the bank currently operates. Barrack Obama has fired the bow over the salvo by announcing his preference of candidate Jim Yong Kim an American Health Professional this week in a high profile press conference in the US this week. It is widely seen by international commentator to be pandering to voters with an election year looming in the back ground. It is widely believed that this move will shore up positive perceptions with voters that the President is safeguarding the US international interest by maintaining the American status quo. This writer broadly supports the candidacy of Nigeria’s current Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala a previously managing director of the World Bank on the basis of qualification and experience. However, it is broadly anticipated that the American candidate Jim Yong Kim will get the job based on an international sweet heart deal agreed by the US and Europe in 1944.

The World Bank was set up in 1944 with a charter to drive post-World War II reconstruction. It evolved from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, but its present day mandate is much wider: worldwide poverty alleviation in conjunction with its affiliate, the International Development Association. Since its inception, the World Bank has lent and given grants and credits worth $400 billion. Its money is spent on specific projects such as freeways and dams. In addittion the Bank employs economists and policy people to tackle the causes of poverty in the poorest nations. Other issues on the World Bank's agenda include the reduction of corruption, and the promotion of education and health care in developing countries. The bank has a board of 24 executives. Five of these come from its biggest donors (the US, Japan, Germany, France and Britain), while the rest are chosen by its remaining member countries. The 19 executive directors represent groups of countries. For instance, Australia's executive director also represents Cambodia, South Korea, Kiribati and other Pacific nations. By convention, the US has always nominated the president of the World Bank (the Europeans choose the head of the International Monetary Fund under this handshake agreement). In recent years, developing nations have been highly critical of this process because they say it means the bank becomes the tool of developed countries, not those for whom it was set up to benefit

There are three candidates for the next president of the World Bank. They are Jim Yong Kim from the US, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala from Nigeria and Jose Antonio Ocampo from Colombia. The Nigerian finance minister has been endorsed by three African countries - South Africa, Angola and and Nigeria - and is seen as a very serious candidate. However, Jim yong Kim has received the powerful endorsement of US President Barak Obama and base on the history selection process he is widely expected to get the top Job despite him having a lack of banking and financial experience.

On record all three candidates come highly recommended and all have core competence in international development issues that is required for the job. Mrs Okonjo-Iweala, 57, was previously a managing director at the World Bank, appointed by Robert Zoellick in October 2007, a role she held until last year when she took up her government position. She is in her second stint as finance minister, having also served under former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo .She studied at Harvard and earned a PhD in regional economics and development from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) .The married mother-of-four has won many awards, including Time magazine's European Hero in 2004, Euro money Magazine Global Finance Minister of the Year in 2005, and the Financial Times/The Banker African Finance Minister of the Year in 2005.

 Jim young Kim the US candidate was born in Seoul, he moved with his family to the US at the age of five and grew up in Muscatine, Iowa. In high school, he was valedictorian and president of his class, played quarterback for the football team and point guard for the basketball team. He attended Brown University before going on to Harvard where he earned his medical doctorate in 1991 and a PhD in anthropology in 1993.He became president of Dartmouth College in 2009, where he made a memorable appearance as a rapping spaceman, complete with white, studded leather jacket, at a college talent show. Married to a fellow doctor, and with two young sons, Dr Kim said he joined Dartmouth "to be more effective at making the world a better place". He will hope to do the same at the World Bank. Though a surprise choice, he is still the favourite for the top job, given the US holds the most votes at the World Bank.

Mr Ocampo is best known as the former finance minister for Colombia - though he has also held other posts in government, including agriculture. He is well respected for a series of policies that helped his nation avoid the worst of the financial crises that have struck Latin America over the years. Currently, he is professor of professional practice in the International and Public Affairs department of Columbia University in New York. He has also been a visiting fellow at Oxford and Yale. Mr Ocampo has held a number of positions in the United Nations, including as UN Under-Secretary General for Economic and Social Affairs. He also took charge of the UN's Economic Commission for Latin America and turned it into a regional development powerhouse. He received his BA in economics and sociology from the University of Notre Dame in 1972 and his PhD in economics from Yale University in 1976.

 According to Deepak Nayyar a well-known Indian professor and global economic commentator four developing countries – “China, India, Brazil and South Africa (CIBS) - are poised to become new southern engines of global economic growth with increasing potential to provide prosperity to other developing countries. The economic clout of these four countries will also create new realignments in the international governance architecture providing policy space for developing countries to pursue economic development. India, China, Brazil and South Africa have a potential collective voice in the world of multilateral institutions and rules and an enormous potential for exercising influence in these institutions and rules which might shape policy space for countries that are late comers to development”. These four CIBS countries- account for 40 % of the world's population and 60 % of that of the developing countries. They account for about 10 % of the world’s GDP and more than 40 % of that of the developing world. These countries represent a beginning in the shift in the balance of economic power and also a shift in the balance in political power and in my opinion deserve a bigger voice in global governance and development issues.

 Major critics of the World Bank and IMF point to their failure since the Post Bretton Wood Convention to alleviate poverty especially in the global south. The world has more poor people than ever: 1.3 billion people -- over a fifth of the world's population -- now live on less than $1 a day and a further 1.6 billion -- another quarter of the world's population -- survive on between one and two dollars. According to the UNDP, financial volatility, job and income insecurity, crime, threats to health, food insecurity, loss of cultural diversity, community disintegration and environmental degradation have all increased since the setup of World Bank and the IMF. The greatest losers from all these trends are the poor in the global South. The predicament of these countries is exploited to exert enormous control over their governments which is used to ensure the bulk of public expenditure and economic activity is channelled into debt repayments to Northern banks and investors. In the process, once again, the poor are hit the hardest, as jobs are cut, health and education budgets slashed, price supports removed, and food and natural resources exported abroad.

 One of the World Bank's central roles is to ensure developing countries have the physical infrastructure necessary to facilitate their integration into the global economy. What it does by intentional default enable the exploitation of their resources, cheap labour, and consumers by Northern multi-national corporations .The word bank provides loans for the construction of roads, ports, mines, hydroelectric dams, oil wells and pipelines, and coal-fired power stations, mostly built, once again, by Northern corporations -- who received nearly billions of dollars in direct loans and guarantees for this purpose from the Bank's private sector collaborators. Revenues generated rarely reach the poor. Instead, the poor are often displaced from their homes, suffer loss or damage to their natural environment, and are placed in the front line of climatic destabilisation that the Bank's support for fossil fuels is wholly unhelpful. The World Bank and the IMF also provide loans to debt-ridden or near-bankrupt developing countries in exchange for the introduction of structural adjustment reforms that remove all constraints on Northern corporations seeking to export/import raw materials, and invest or locate there. The financial difficulty of these countries is exploited to exert enormous control over their governments which is used to ensure the bulk of public expenditure and economic activity is channelled into debt repayments to Northern banks and investors. In the process, once again, the poor in recipient countries are hit the hardest. As a result of austerity measures jobs are cut, health and education budgets slashed, price supports removed, and food and natural resources exported abroad.

Perhaps the most contentious issue of the World Bank has been the curry favoured manner by which its president is selected.The former Presidents of the Bank are mainly white, male and Americans, The current President Robert B. Zoellick, is responsible for chairing the meetings of the Boards of Directors and for overall management of the Bank. Traditionally, the Bank President has always been a US citizen nominated by the United States, the largest shareholder in the bank. The new nominee for the role of President of the bank is subject to confirmation by the Board of Executive Directors, to serve for a five-year, renewable term. The role of president and chairman of the board of directors seem to me to be a conflict of interest. While most World Bank presidents have had banking experience, some have not. The proposed president Jim Young KIm being put forward by President Obama is an Asian American with impressive experience on global Health issues and appears to be a very charismatic fun loving person- but he lacks global financial management or Banking experience. The Vice Presidents of the Bank are its principal managers, in charge of regions, sectors, networks and functions. There are 25 Vice-Presidents, three Senior Vice Presidents and two Executive Vice Presidents. She insists that she is, by far, the most qualified candidate, having worked at the World Bank for decades, including a stint as its second in command. She has adoring fans globally and has garnered support from opinion leaders such as the editors of the Economist and PIMCO head Mohamed El-Erian. The New York Times editorial board, which has called for a more open selection process, urged the World Bank’s board to “take a serious look” at Okonjo-Iweala. Most World Bank affiliates who have spoken out publicly on Okonjo-Iweala’s behalf this includes 39 former staffers who wrote an open letter praising her “deep experience in international and national issues of economic management” . Among other things, she co-authored an influential report on how the bank should operate in fragile states that have been racked by conflict (known as “low-income states under stress”), where the bank’s government partners were either dysfunctional or non-existent.
 The details of Okonjo-Iweala’s life story go a long way toward explaining why she generates such enthusiasm. She was born in 1954, when Nigeria was still under British colonial control, and reportedly learned English by reading books such as “Treasure Island.” After the British left in 1960, her life grew tumultuous. In 1967, the south eastern provinces of Nigeria, including Okonjo-Iweala’s home Delta State, declared independence as the Republic of Biafra. A bloody, three-year civil war ensued, leaving 1 million dead. Her father, a distinguished economist, joined the Biafran army and her family subsisted through the war, she said, on one meal a day. In a 2005 interview with the Guardian, Okonjo-Iweala recounted how, when she was 15, she carried her malaria-stricken 3-year-old sister four miles to find a doctor. The details of Okonjo-Iweala’s biography go a long way toward explaining why she generates such enthusiasm. She was born in 1954, when Nigeria was still under British colonial control, and reportedly learned English by reading books such as “Treasure Island.”
After the British left in 1960, her life grew tumultuous. In 1967, the south eastern provinces of Nigeria, including Okonjo-Iweala’s home Delta State, declared independence as the Republic of Biafra. A bloody, three-year civil war ensued, leaving 1 million dead. Her father, a distinguished economist, joined the Biafran army and her family subsisted through the war, she said, on one meal a day. In a 2005 interview with the Guardian, Okonjo-Iweala recounted how, when she was 15, she carried her malaria-stricken 3-year-old sister four miles to find a doctor. In an interview on Aljazeera television Oknojo The details of Okonjo-Iweala’s biography go a long way toward explaining why she generates such enthusiasm. She was born in 1954, when Nigeria was still under British colonial control, and reportedly learned English by reading books such as “Treasure Island.” After the British left in 1960, her life grew tumultuous. In 1967, the south eastern provinces of Nigeria, including Okonjo-Iweala’s home Delta State, declared independence as the Republic of Biafra. A bloody, three-year civil war ensued, leaving 1 million dead. Her father, a distinguished economist, joined the Biafran army and her family subsisted through the war, she said, on one meal a day. In a 2005 interview with the Guardian, Okonjo-Iweala recounted how, when she was 15, she carried her malaria-stricken 3-year-old sister four miles to find a doctor .When she was 18, Okonjo-Iweala moved to the United States to study economics at Harvard and MIT. She went on to join the World Bank in 1982, climbing through the ranks by shifting between jobs and across regions: as an agricultural economist focusing on Africa; country director for Mongolia, Malaysia, and Cambodia; and deputy vice president for the Middle Eastern region. Perhaps the most compelling reason to elect Ngozi (as she is affectionately called) is her personal experience of poverty. During an interview recently on Aljazeera television she boldly exclaimed:. “I know what it means to go to the stream to fetch water. . . what it means when people are poor and don’t have enough to eat. It’s not enough to say you know about poverty,” Okonjo-Iweala said recently, explaining why she should lead the World Bank. “You have to live it.” Those of us who live in the global south can identify with this statement.

While we in the global south are hopeful that the World bank receive the reform that it so rightfully deserve  we remain pessimistic and sceptic of its history of neo-colonial and ultra conservative groundings that is skewed in favour of the Global north and its multinational allies. One of the strongest criticisms of the World Bank has been the way in which it is governed. While the World Bank represents 186 countries, it is run by a small number of economically powerful countries. These countries (which also provide most of the institution's funding) choose the leadership and senior management of the World Bank, and so their interests dominate the bank. The call goes further than revamping the way in which candidates are rubberstamp and selected to ensure US hegemony and the safeguard of an unfair washing consensus that drains the economic life blood of developing countries who are clients of the World Bank. The changes should extend to a client centric model as it stands now it donor- centric. The selection of  Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala Nigeria’s current Finance Minister as a candidate who is eminently qualified for the job by academic, work and life experience represents for the global south a bigger and more influential voice in global governance. Critics like former World bank Economist Joseph Stiglits rightfully argue that the so-called free market reform policies which the World Bank currently Bank advocates are often harmful to economic development if implemented badly, too quickly ("shock therapy"), in the wrong sequence or in weak, uncompetitive economies. The candidacy of Okono-Iweala represents a fresh new start to a more equitable way in which global finance is govern in a post Bretton Wood era where the global tectonic spheres of economic influence is shifting southwards.

Donovan Reynolds is Human Rights Activist and a London based independent writer of Jamaican decent with an interest in human rights and International Development Issues. Readers are invited to comment on this blog or  to e-mail their comments to dannygerm63@hotmail.co.uk

Sunday 8 April 2012


Revisiting the Concept of National Security in a Jamaican Context: by Donovan Reynolds Human Rights Activist and Independent Writer

In 2005, Jamaica had 1,674 murders for a murder rate of 58 per 100,000 people. That year, Jamaica had the highest murder rate in the world. In November 2008, the Jamaican Parliament voted to retain the death penalty, which is performed by hanging. Some areas of Jamaica, particularly cities such as Kingston, Montego Bay and Spanish Town, experience high levels of crime and violence. Jamaica has had one of the highest murder rates in the world for many years, according to UN estimates. It is estimated that currently Jamaica  has the seventh highest murders rate per 100,000 population in the world. Former Prime Minister P. J. Patterson described the situation as "a national challenge of unprecedented proportions.

 Over the past two years there has been a minuscule decline in the domestic murder mainly attributed to window dressing or a robust reactive response to crime as a consequence of external pressure.  Statistics have shown that over the first quarter of 20 12 that there has been an increase of murders by 12% over the corresponding period of last year.These frightening statistics for an island with a small population of 2.7 million people hails for a radical reworking of its crime reduction strategy. This writer suggest that there needs to be paradigm shift from a centralised crime strategy to a community based response here citizens of communities set their crime reduction strategy and are incentivized  by the government of Jamaica for meeting or exceeding their targets.

The concept of national security and crime prevention in Jamaica has long been viewed by politicians and Jamaican law enforcement practitioners in a narrow framework of policy response that is mainly militarised. The burgeoning murder rate poses a threat to our acquired democratic values and sullies our international reputation. The constant indiscriminate loss of lives pose a continuous challenge to our collective safety and traumatises our communities. Increased criminal activity prevent the inflow of direct capital investment from external sources and smothers our economic growth.

The blame for this burgeoning murder rate has been squarely place at the feet of an unrelenting criminal class of violent gangs obsessed with the acquisition of guns and the cruel use of it. This top-down vantage point of viewing the crime problem often excludes the contribution of poverty, corruption, social exclusion and post code prejudice as a contributory factor to our increasing criminal sub culture . The response to crime in Jamaica has always been a centralised military approach the assumption seems to suggest that communities are constantly screened out from taking responsibility and participating in formulating their local crime reduction strategies. The first quarter of 20 12 has seen the gruesome killing of ten children and thirty women and the militarised response to these gruesome murders there  has been an extrajudicial killing by the police of over twenty persons. This drew criticism from Amnesty International a respected  and influential international human rights organisation. Jamaica has long been under the radar of a number of human rights organisations who have viewed their crime fighting strategy with a bevy of disdain.

 According to Amnesty international Jamaica has the highest rate of police killings per ca pita in the world. In April 2001, Amnesty International launched a world-wide campaign to highlight the pattern of extra-judicial killings and other human rights abuses committed by members of the Jamaican security forces - the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) and the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), with the launch of its report, JAMAICA: Killings and Violence by Police - How many more victims? The report cited the loss of life at the hands of the Jamaican Constabulary Force (JCF) borders on a human rights emergency. The rate of lethal police shootings in Jamaica is one of the highest per capita in the world. More than 1,400 people have been shot dead by police over the past 10 years in Jamaica; in a country whose population is only 2.8 million. Amnesty International has made this assessment purely on the valuation of Jamaica’s human rights record but locally it’s an open secret that these killings are a frustrated response to an ill-conceived crime strategy response. The twisted assumption is that if you liquidate trigger happy criminals the crime rate will reduce.

The ministry of security and justice under who’s the crime portfolio at a policy level is crafted is hampered by a lack of resources. Despite the introduction of useful initiatives such as community policing, neighbourhood, restorative justice and community peace initiatives though well intentioned have been implemented in a fragmented and incremental way. So the policy response to crime has been centralised and has a long history of top down approach. The social services that should provide a safety net for vulnerable youths at risk of participating in crime are residual and woefully lack the necessary investment. There is a basic gap in understanding by the policy directorate that crime is a community problem and the solution to crime must come from working in partnership with communities to empower them to seek solutions to their own collective security- crafted at a community level and fed into a parish divisional command and trough to a central command and policy directorate.
This is a proposed radical re working of the current strategy that would put the onus on communities to  set and own their crime reduction strategies and be incentivised by increase investment . In the form of social amenities to their communities on a priority needs basis. This new proposed approach to crime prevention should be facilitated trough and supported by divisional community safety units drawn from existing local professionals and NGOs a multi-agency approach to crime. With the use of existing professionals such as Education practitioners, the local police, the SDC, local Magistrates, health professionals, mental health services, faith based communities and other civic organisations. This approach of utilising existing professional resources to support the local crime strategy would prevent the need for a huge capital investment that the country can’t afford in a rigid financial environment.

It is quite obvious that the system of a top down crime fighting strategy is not working it has failed us for the past forty years. As a consequence there is an alarming high murder rate and ugly statistics of police extra judicial killings has damaged our human rights credentials as a decent democratic nation state. Every life that is loss matters and something radical has to be done to reverse this malaise .It is almost as if we are imploding the statistics suggest that we are at war with ourselves but in a paradoxical state of denial.
 That is why I am proposing a neo-realist response that places communities at the heart of involvement in planning and taking responsibility of their personal safety and security. The overarching philosophy of this proposed radical response is the decentralisation of Jamaica security and safety strategy. The assumption is that in the long term it will create safer communities who are accountable to themselves and the nation-state by setting targets that will improve their security and safety at the community level. These targets will be backed up by government incentives in terms of improved social amenities and the focusing of scarce resources on persons at risk and vulnerable to committing crimes. So the government role will be to collate these agreed targets set benchmarks and identify investments and allocate resources efficiently in order for the overall strategy to work. Crime is devastating for any countries prosperity but what is even more devastating is a continuous failed policy response to it.
Donovan Reynolds is a human rights activist,independent writer and has 23 years of experience working in the criminal justice system.Readers are invited to comment on this blog in the space provided or to give feedback at dannygerm63@hotmail.co.uk